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This empirical study explores state-based, socio-economic dimensions of political polarization. The studytheorizes that, given their surroundings, residents of energy-producing states may be more sympathetic tothe energy industry ...
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This empirical study explores state-based, socio-economic dimensions of political polarization. The studytheorizes that, given their surroundings, residents of energy-producing states may be more sympathetic tothe energy industry – and/or have different perceptions on the durability or quality of their immediate naturalecological environment or the cost/benefit of fossil fuel dependency – than residents in more densely populated states. The study provides new insights into the personal incentives and cognitive biases underlying political environmentalism, and shows emerging evidence of the mitigating effects of broad-based national initiatives to promote renewable energy.
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This article examines the factors that predict affective polarization and political engagement in the United States. Using an original survey dataset (N = 1,100) of a fairly representative national sample, this study explored some...
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This article examines the factors that predict affective polarization and political engagement in the United States. Using an original survey dataset (N = 1,100) of a fairly representative national sample, this study explored some factors (e.g., age, gender, political ideology, and partisan news media and social media) to see how they predict affective polarization and political engagement. The results could be helpful to further study widening affective polarization, which is reportedly affecting democracy itself, in this current political and public opinion atmosphere "Trumpfied" in the last couple of years. The insights found in this research could also help devise political and social campaign strategies that minimize polarization gaps. The results might enable corporate entities to better classify their consumers based on relevant issues associated with polarization and political engagement. Future research is encouraged to combine survey data and social media data for a more refined outcome.
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Many maintain that the US political climate has become more charged with partisan beliefs over the past decade, although little is known about whether this partisan divide can be observed in food policy opinions. This article aims...
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Many maintain that the US political climate has become more charged with partisan beliefs over the past decade, although little is known about whether this partisan divide can be observed in food policy opinions. This article aims to determine whether Democrat and Republican food policy opinions diverged between 2011 and 2018. We find evidence of the contrary; partisan public opinions on food and agriculture policies have actually converged, with both major parties exhibiting a preference toward heightened government intervention. Our results indicate that voters preferring more government intervention in food policies have become more numerous in the Republican Party for issues including animal welfare and affordable food. However, once we include Independents and other third parties in our sample, we find that the variance between food policy opinions has increased for many policies.
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While scholars and pundits alike have expressed concern regarding the increasingly "tribal" nature of political identities, there has been little analysis of how this social polarization impacts political selection. In this paper,...
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While scholars and pundits alike have expressed concern regarding the increasingly "tribal" nature of political identities, there has been little analysis of how this social polarization impacts political selection. In this paper, we incorporate social identity into a principal-agent model of political representation and characterize the impact of social polarization on voting behavior. We show that identity has an instrumental impact on voting, as voters anticipate that political representatives' ex post policy decisions have an in-group bias. We also conduct a laboratory experiment to test the main predictions of the theory. In contrast to existing work that suggests social polarization may have a positive impact by increasing participation, we show that social polarization causes political representatives to take policy decisions that diverge from the social optimum, and voters to select candidates with lower average quality. (C) 2019 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.
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This paper investigates the relationship between economic inequality and the distribution of votes among political parties, namely political polarization and fracturalization. Economic inequality is captured by the Gini index, whe...
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This paper investigates the relationship between economic inequality and the distribution of votes among political parties, namely political polarization and fracturalization. Economic inequality is captured by the Gini index, whereas new measures of political polarization and fracturalization are offered. This is the first paper to calculate political polarization and fracturalization indices by a methodology previously used for ethnic, religious and linguistic polarization and fracturalization. Empirical analysis uses data for 17 European countries and for three decades, 1980s, 1990s and 2000s. It is shown that increased income inequality increases political party polarization and reduces fracturalization and that political party polarization decreases with increased GDP per capita.
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? 2021 Elsevier LtdThere has been recent attention to the political divide between urban and rural voters in the United States. It is possible that as rural and urban voting behavior has diverged, this has been driven by increasin...
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? 2021 Elsevier LtdThere has been recent attention to the political divide between urban and rural voters in the United States. It is possible that as rural and urban voting behavior has diverged, this has been driven by increasing social conservatism among rural voters. However, given that the average American is not ideologically constrained nor stable, this may not be the case. Using data from the 2010–2014 Cooperative Congressional Election Study Panel Study, this analysis compares the ideological constraint and stability of rural, suburban, and urban Americans. The results show that there has not been a divergence in rural, suburban, and urban ideologies or issue opinions in recent years. Rural and suburban respondents are more conservative than urban respondents on average, but they are not consistent conservatives, and their presidential votes are not primarily driven by a consistent set of conservative issue opinions.
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U.S. political polarization is at a high point since the Civil War, and is a significant barrier to coordinated national action addressing climate change. To examine where common ground may exist, here we comprehensively review an...
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U.S. political polarization is at a high point since the Civil War, and is a significant barrier to coordinated national action addressing climate change. To examine where common ground may exist, here we comprehensively review and characterize successes and failures of recent state-level decarbonization legislation, focusing especially on bipartisanship. We analyze 418 major state-government-enacted bills and 450 failed bills from 2015 to 2020, as well as the political contexts in which they were passed or defeated. We use bivariate analyses and regressions to explore correlations and partial correlations between the policy characteristics and political contexts of bills, and their passage or failure, their bipartisanship, and vote shares they received. Key results include (i) nearly one-third of these state-level decarbonization bills were passed by Republican-controlled governments. (ii) Bipartisan or Republican co-sponsors disproportionately passed financial incentives for renewable energy, and legislation that expands consumer or business choices in context of decarbonization goals; Democrat-only co-sponsors disproportionately passed bills that restricted consumer and business choice, such as mandatory Renewable Energy and Efficiency Portfolio Standards (REEPS) and emissions standards. (iii) Bipartisan bills were disproportionately proposed in "divided" states, did not restrict consumer and business choice, had environmental justice components framed economically, and lacked environmental justice components framed either using academic social-justice jargon or non-neutrally with respect to immutable characteristics such as race. (iv) Bills that expand consumer or business choice were disproportionately enacted. Though climate change is a polarized issue, our results provide tangible insights for future bipartisan successes.
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Can political memes on social media change citizens' political attitudes? I show with an experimental method that exposing individuals to outgroup memes increases polarization, especially among strong party identifiers. Existing o...
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Can political memes on social media change citizens' political attitudes? I show with an experimental method that exposing individuals to outgroup memes increases polarization, especially among strong party identifiers. Existing observational research demonstrates that political memes have a few functions: building discourse around leaders, forming a common identity, and influencing political opinions. The current literature on political memes does not address whether political memes have a measurable effect in a natural environment. This article employs a pre-post experimental design (n = 192) deployed through Facebook to fill this gap and assess whether political memes have a persuasive or polarizing effect on individuals. Experimental participants were randomly assigned to ideological groups on Facebook. Then, they were exposed to one political meme every other day for three months to simulate a natural environment. Results suggest that memes have, in general, minimal effect but can have a backlash effect, particularly among strong party identifiers. This article contributes to the political communication field by better understanding social media dynamics and, more precisely, the literature on political memes by experimentally assessing their effects on ideology and intergroup feelings.
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Scholars usually investigate how average levels of trust in institutions vary across countries and over time. Focusing on average levels, however, ignores distributional properties that might be equally relevant for institutional ...
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Scholars usually investigate how average levels of trust in institutions vary across countries and over time. Focusing on average levels, however, ignores distributional properties that might be equally relevant for institutional legitimacy and, more broadly, democratic stability. In this study, the authors investigate how the distribution of trust in the European Parliament has changed over time and across European Union member states. Drawing on pooled cross-sectional data from the European Social Survey for the period from 2002 to 2020, the authors find that confidence in the European Parliament has not only declined over time but also polarized as citizens have increasingly moved away from the “average citizen.” Furthermore, the authors find that trust has polarized, especially among the young versus the elderly and the employed versus the unemployed. These findings have implications for the legitimacy of European Union institutions.
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Abstract Does algorithmic political bias contribute to an entrenchment and polarization of political positions? Franke (Philosophy and Technology, 35, 7, 2022) argues that it may do so because the bias involves classifications of ...
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Abstract Does algorithmic political bias contribute to an entrenchment and polarization of political positions? Franke (Philosophy and Technology, 35, 7, 2022) argues that it may do so because the bias involves classifications of people as liberals, conservatives, etc., and individuals often conform to the ways in which they are classified. I provide a novel example of this phenomenon in human–computer interactions and introduce a social psychological mechanism (what I shall call ‘implied political labeling’) that has been overlooked in this context but should be experimentally explored. Furthermore, while Franke proposes that algorithmic political classifications entrench political identities, I contend that they may often produce the opposite result. They can lead people to change in ways that disconfirm the classifications (thus causing ‘looping effects’). Consequently and counterintuitively, algorithmic political bias can in fact decrease political entrenchment and polarization.
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